The late US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who passed away at age 84, was seen as arguably the most significant holders of that position in American history. Although many VPs were limited to minor or symbolic functions, Cheney held huge sway during the administration of George W Bush, so much so that he was frequently referred to as the "actual president".
Bush objected to that description and claimed the connection was more complicated. He noted that Cheney was deferential, always addressing him in official appearances as Mr President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush challenged even characterisations of their relationship as a partnership because it implied that they were on equal footing. Despite these objections, Cheney considered the laidback president accommodating on a whole raft of administrative determinations.
A Period Following the Attacks
At the head of a contingent of conservative hawks that encompassed Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been participating in a session at a educational institution in Florida. Whereas Bush headed for a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, commanding the destruction of any unidentified planes heading toward the US Capitol.
Cheney claimed the attacks changed him, making him become intent on revenge. Along with other neo-conservatives, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a invasion of Afghanistan in an effort to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the military action of Iraq, even though there was little proof of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Debated Decisions
He expressed no regrets about the military campaign, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis perished, nor about the harsh treatment of detainees apprehended after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was predicated on misleading intelligence repeated by Cheney, was the proper course of action. "It proved to be the correct action to do at that time. I had faith then and I believe it presently."
But during that period, there were dissenting voices at a top tier about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the White House's own delegates to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the post. "I witnessed, at a minimum," he later wrote "obvious failure, negligence, and recklessness: at worst, deception, ineptitude, and graft."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not solely responsible for the Iraq military action. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for such action. He had drafted a memorandum setting out circumstances in which American interests might be endangered (featuring "availability of essential resources, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "America should be prepared to operate alone when collective action cannot be orchestrated," specifically mentioning armed actions against Iraq.
Bush additionally had assumed the Oval Office vaguely intent on implementing what his parent had famously refused to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Subsequent to he had been dismissed by the administration, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his plan of reducing America's engagement in the regional tensions and proposed armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush held a private grievance against Saddam, convinced he had been behind a plot to kill his father, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore objected to that one of the most prominent hotels in Baghdad had a floor mural with a likeness of his parent's face that all visitors had to step on.
Investigation Approaches
Yet it was Cheney who was one of the most vociferous behind striking Iraq, consistently quoting intelligence reports that were both insubstantial or completely misleading. He endorsed what the Bush White House indirectly described as "enhanced interrogation", the employment of interrogation method and physical pressure.
Answering a Senate document in 2014 that concluded that no actionable intelligence had been obtained through the harsh techniques, Cheney rejected the conclusions as "riddled with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to take steps and create initiatives to apprehend the individuals who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it never happened again. That is precisely what they did and they deserve a lot of praise."
Public Image
Cheney reveled in monikers given to him by critics such as Darth Vader and the sinister presence, and by the concept that he was a shadow power controlling Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 volume about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Is it me who is the malevolent mastermind in the corner that nobody ever sees come out of his hole? That is a nice way to operate, actually."
Commercial Ties
Dispute over his commercial relationships pursued him throughout his time as VP. Even though he had minimal expertise in commerce but strong connections in military, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial energy companies, in 1995 as chair and CEO.
In 2000 he became Bush's VP candidate for the White House. Debatably, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was granted US agreements totaling multiple billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His annual income during his tenure at the corporation grew from his previous salary during his time as defence secretary to millions. When he resigned in 2000 he had a compensation package valued at over $20m|twenty
